At
a time when even the Wall Street Journal has disappeared into
the maw of a huge media conglomerate, the New York Times remains
an independent newspaper. But it doesn't show any independence
in reporting or in thought.
The Times
issued a mea culpa for letting its reporter, Judith Miller, misinform
readers about Iraq, thus helping the neoconservatives set the
stage for their invasion. Now the Times' reporting on Iran seems
to be repeating the mistake. After the US commits another act
of naked aggression by bombing Iran, will the Times publish another
mea culpa?
The Times
editorials also serve as conduits for propaganda. On August 13,
a Times editorial jumped on China for "irresponsible threats"
that threaten free trade. The Times' editorialists do not understand
that the offshoring of American jobs, which the Times mistakenly
thinks is free trade, is a far greater threat to America than
a reminder from the Chinese, who are tired of US bullying, that
China is America's banker.
Let's briefly
review the "China threat" and then turn to the real problem.
Members of
the US government believe, as do many Americans, that the Chinese
currency is undervalued relative to the US dollar and that this
is the reason for America's large trade deficit with China. Pressure
continues to be applied to China to revalue its currency in order
to reduce its trade advantage over goods made in the US.
The pressure
put on China is misdirected. The exchange rate is not the main
cause of the US trade deficit with China. The costs of labor,
regulation and harassment are far lower in China, and US corporations
have offshored their production to China in order to benefit from
these lower costs. When a company shifts its production from the
US to a foreign country, it transforms US Gross Domestic Product
(GDP) into imports. Every time a US company offshores goods and
services, it adds to the US trade deficit.
Clearly,
it is a mistake for the US government and economists to think
of the imbalance as if it were produced by Chinese companies underselling
goods produced by US companies in America. The imbalance is the
result of US companies producing their goods in China and selling
them in America.
Many believe
the solution is to force China to revalue its currency, thereby
driving up the prices of 70 per cent of the goods on Wal-Mart
shelves.
The
pressure put on China is misdirected.
The exchange rate is not the main cause
of the US trade deficit with China.
The costs of labor, regulation and
harassment are far lower in China,
and US corporations have offshored
their production to China in order
to benefit from these lower costs.
When a company shifts its production
from the US to a foreign country,
it transforms US Gross Domestic
Product (GDP) into imports. Every time
a US company offshores goods and services,
it adds to the US trade deficit.
Mysteriously,
members of the US government believe that it would help US consumers,
who are as dependent on imported manufactured goods as they are
on imported energy, to be charged higher prices.
China believes
that the exchange rate is not the cause of US offshoring and opposes
any rapid change in its currency's value. In a message issued
in order to tell the US to ease off the public bullying, China
reminded Washington that the US doesn't hold all the cards.
The NYT editorial
expresses the concern that China's "threat" will cause protectionist
US lawmakers to stick on tariffs and start a trade war. "Free
trade, free market" economists rush to tell us how bad this would
be for US consumers: A tariff would raise the price of consumer
goods.
The free
market economists don't tell us that dollar depreciation would
have the same effect. Goods made in China would go up 30 per cent
in price if a 30 per cent tariff was placed on them, and the goods
would go up 30 per cent in price if the value of the Chinese currency
rises 30 per cent against the dollar.
So, why all
the fuss about tariffs?
The
fuss about tariffs makes even less sense once one realizes that
the purpose of tariffs is to protect domestically produced goods
from cheaper imports. However, US tariffs today would
be imposed on the offshored production of US firms. In the
era of offshoring, corporations are not a constituency for tariffs.
Tariffs would
benefit American labor, something that the US Chamber of Commerce,
the National Association of Manufacturers, and the Republican
Party would strongly oppose. A wage equalization tariff would
wipe out much of the advantage of offshoring. Profits would come
down, and with lower profits would come lower CEO compensation
and shareholder returns.
The
NYT and "free trade" economists
haven't caught on, because they mistakenly
think that offshoring is trade. In fact,
offshoring is labor arbitrage. US labor is
simply removed from production functions
that produce goods and services for
US markets and replaced with foreign labor.
No trade is involved. Instead of being
produced in America, US brand names
sold in America are produced in China.
Obviously,
the corporate interests and Wall Street do not want any tariffs.
The NYT and
"free trade" economists haven't caught on, because they mistakenly
think that offshoring is trade. In fact, offshoring is labor arbitrage.
US labor is simply removed from production functions that produce
goods and services for US markets and replaced with foreign labor.
No trade is involved. Instead of being produced in America, US
brand names sold in America are produced in China.
It is not
China's fault that American corporations have so little regard
for their employees and fellow citizens that they destroy their
economic opportunities and give them to foreigners instead.
It is paradoxical
that everyone is blaming China for the behavior of American firms.
What is China supposed to do, close its borders to foreign capital?
When free
market economists align, as they have done, with foreigners against
American citizens, they destroy their credibility and the future
of economic freedom. Recently the Independent Institute, with
which I am associated, stressed that free market associations
"have defended completely open immigration and free markets in
labor," emphasizing that 500 economists signed the Independent
Institute's Open Letter on Immigration in behalf of open immigration.
Such a policy
is satisfying to some in its ideological purity. But what it means
in practice is that the Americans, who are displaced in their
professional and manufacturing jobs by offshoring and work visas
for foreigners, also cannot find work in the unskilled and semi-skilled
jobs taken over by illegal immigrants. A free market policy that
gives the bird to American labor is not going to win acceptance
by the population. Such a policy serves only the owners of capital
and its senior managers.
Free market
economists will dispute this conclusion. They claim that offshoring
and unrestricted immigration provide consumers with cheaper prices
in the market place. What the free market economists do not say
is that offshoring and unrestricted immigration also provide US
citizens with lower incomes, fewer job opportunities, and less
satisfying jobs. There is no evidence that consumer prices fall
by more than incomes so that US citizens can be said to benefit
materially. The psychological experience of a citizen losing his
career to a foreigner is alienating.
Among
all the countries of the world,
only the US can get away with
exploding trade deficits. The reason is that
the US inherited from Great Britain,
exhausted by two world wars,
the reserve currency role. To be the
reserve currency country means
that your currency is the accepted means
of payment to settle international accounts.
Countries pay their oil import bills in dollars
and settle the deficits in their
trade accounts in dollars.
The free
market economists ignore the fact that a country that offshores
its production also offshores its jobs. It becomes dependent on
goods and services made in foreign countries, but lacks sufficient
export earnings with which to pay for them. A country whose workforce
is being reallocated, under pressure of offshoring, to domestic
services has nothing to trade for its imports. That is why the
US trade deficit has exploded to over US$800 billion annually.
Among all
the countries of the world, only the US can get away with exploding
trade deficits. The reason is that the US inherited from Great
Britain, exhausted by two world wars, the reserve currency role.
To be the reserve currency country means that your currency is
the accepted means of payment to settle international accounts.
Countries pay their oil import bills in dollars and settle the
deficits in their trade accounts in dollars.
The enormous
and continuing US deficits are wearing out the US dollar as reserve
currency. A time will come when the US cannot pay for the imports,
on which it has become ever more dependent, by flooding the world
with ever more dollars.
Offshoring
and free market ideology are turning the US into a third world
country. According to the Bureau of Labor Statistics, one-quarter
of all new US jobs created between June 2006 and June 2007 were
for waitresses and bartenders. Almost all of the net new US jobs
in the 21st century have been in domestic services.
Free market
economists simply ignore the facts and proceed with their ideological
justifications of open borders, a policy that is rapidly destroying
the ladders of upward mobility for the US population.
Note:
Paul Craig Roberts was Assistant Secretary of the Treasury in
the Reagan administration. He was Associate Editor of the Wall
Street Journal editorial page and Contributing Editor of National
Review. He is coauthor of The
Tyranny of Good Intentions. He can be reached at: PaulCraigRoberts@yahoo.com
Other
articles by Paul Craig Roberts:
China's Threat To The Dollar Is Real
In The Hole To China
A Free Press Or A Ministry Of Truth?